ANC MOROGORO CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS PDF

The first National Consultative Conference of the ANC was held at Morogoro, Tanzania, from 25 April to 1 May The conference has become known as the. A thread that runs all the way back to the ANC’s watershed consultative conference held in April in Morogoro in Tanzania darts through. of the Second National Consultative Conference of the African National Congress – Zambia. the post-Morogoro Conference period up to the present stage of our struggle. .. At this stage the Resolutions Committee presented its report. 2.

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This was done despite the short notice we gave them. This cannot be done until state power has been seized from the fascist South African government and transferred ajc the revolutionary forces led by the ANC. It is therefore a fundamental feature of our strategy that victory must embrace more than formal political democracy.

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Agenda The agenda for the Conference proceedings was formally put to the House and adopted. There is no instrument for measuring this. It is historically understandable that the double- oppressed and doubly exploited working class constitutes a distinct and reinforcing layer of our liberation and Socialism and do not stand in conflict with the national interest. If there is one lesson that the history of guerrilla struggle has taught it is that the material strength and resources of the enemy is by no means a decisive factor.

Without such a unity the enemy easily multiplies and the attainment of a people’s victory is delayed. We reject the approach which sees as the catalyst for revolutionary transformation only the short-cut of isolated confrontations and the creation of armed resistance centre. All three needs were served by this convincing evidence that our liberation movement had correctly adjusted itself to the new situation and was creating an apparatus actually capable of clandestinely hitting the enemy and making preparations tor a more advanced phase.

Why not or or ? All this constituted not only moral justifications for a move towards armed struggle, but, what is more important, conditions had been created – they were not always there – making a departure in direction correct, necessary and, in the true sense, revolutionary.

Conference rose to observe a minute’s silence for the fallen comrades and friends. This statement pulled a number of important ANC perspectives, which had evolved over the preceding decades, into a coherent policy statement. The main reasons for adopting this step were that the ANC is today the leader of all South Africans from all racial groups.

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What makes the structure unique and adds to it complexity is that the exploiting nation is not, as in the classical imperialist relationships, situated in a geographically distinct mother country, but is settled within the borders.

The moulding of mass political consciousness reached a new intensity.

What sort of structure do we face and how dogged will the enemy resistance be? The other view was that the Secretariat 4 should be reshuffled. The riot, the street fight, the outburst of unorganised violence, individual terrorism; these were symptoms of the militant spirit but not pointers to revolutionary technique. Indian shopkeepers, could always be relied upon to declare a day of Hartal in solidarity with any protest which was being organised.

The Commission also endorsed the TG’s report on transport which also suggested a transport pooling system. This approach is not a pandering chauvinism, to racialism or other such backward attitudes.

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The President also made special mention of the co-operation and support given to the ANC by the Party and Government of the People’s Republic of Zambia in agreeing to our hosting our Conference on Zambian soil and giving us all the facilities we needed.

So long as the threat from the liberation movement was not powerful enough to endanger the very existence of White baasskap there was room for division sometimes quite sharp in the White political camp. In one sense conditions are connected and interdependent.

ANC sometimes cnference to the superficial impression that the legal organisations – because they could speak and operate more publicly and thus resolugions noticeable – may have had more than their deserved place in the leadership of the Alliance.

Comrade Mzala also posed the question as to how much money was directed home as against the amount spent outside. Is there perhaps substance in accusations by some of our detractors that until the early sixties the liberation movement was lacking in military fervour and the desire for radical change’?

Reference has already been made to the danger of the thesis which regards the creation of military areas as the generator of mass resistance. What then is the broad purpose of our military struggle?

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But we must not overdo the importance of the subjective factors and before embarking upon a path which is in one sense tragic, ocnference historically inevitable and necessary, certain of conferece basic minimum conditions already mentioned must conferencr present and certain minimum preparations must have been made. Stephen Ellis is the author of a new book called “External Mission: After the opening remarks, the first lot of solidarity and support messages were read out.

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This assessment on the use of funds was that expenditure is not geared towards lifting the struggle inside the country. As a measure of expenditure control, the Commission recommended that each department be required to submit a yearly budget covering their total expenditure costs, including air travel. We believe that given certain basic factors, both international and local, the actual beginning of armed struggle or guerrilla warfare can be made and having begun can steadily develop conditions for the future all-out war which will eventually lead to the conquest of power.

resolutiona Our members have worked hard for its success. In the field of representation, any reformist illusion that may still have existed of a slow advance towards democracy was shattered anx the removal of the historic remains of non-White representation including even undemocratic and powerless bodies such as the Native Representative Council. In this, special attention should be given to persons responsible for political education in liaison with RPC and other structures Political Education of the organisation.

Rather, they should get their lead from Headquarters. Nevertheless, the defence of all-round economic, social and cultural privileges combined with centuries of indoctrination and deeply felt theoretical rationalisation which centre on survival, will make the enemy we face a ferocious and formidable foe.

The Morogoro conference and the SACP

When we talk of revolutionary armed struggle, we are talking of political struggle by means which include the use of military force even though once force as a tactic is introduced it has the most far-reaching consequences on every aspect of our activities.

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Until then, the national sense of grievance is the most potent revolutionary force which must be harnessed. It was also suggested that the Luthuli Detachment be reactivated and involved in MK work.